The future will be blended not shared

In an update to his book Rethinking Unionism: An Alternative Vision for Northern Ireland, author Norman Porter identified a need for ‘unionism to disentangle from sectarianism.’ He recognised cultural shifts resulting from globalisation and other influences but noted that ‘it does not fully translate into political openness ‘and rejection of’ absolutist political orthodoxy.’ This is no longer the case.

Many within the pro-union constituency have already moved on, no longer willing to endorse the communal polarisation in which some tell them they have to live. Their aim is to mould a future for all that is worth having and make change happen. Data confirms this significant shift with regard to what people deem important to their lives and health, economy and employment are prioritised above constitutional concerns.

Political unionism is too slow to respond. Oblivious to the reality that many see unionism as anti-Catholic and uber-Protestant, it continues to use language couched in denominational tones and embraces rituals accordingly.  It is abandoning the more important challenges of, health reform, regional and low wage failings of the ‘trickle-down economy’, under-developed infrastructure, disability rights and pockets showing high rates of economic inactivity. The prosperity and investment in the Titanic Quarter is a welcome driver for an improving Northern Ireland but levelling up is paramount.

Creativity, energy and desire are there. Individuals who deploy the term civic unionist or pro-Union, particularly, but not only the post- ceasefire and Good Friday Agreement generation, invest their energy and activism into issue-centred politics prioritising social and economic well-being, education, equality, health and reconciliation. At community level, they commit to building leadership, creating jobs, the social economy and challenging racial prejudice. They recognise that the Union is not a given; that it requires respect, pluralism and inclusivity; first and foremost, a home where people are welcomed. For them, Unionism without such humanity and empathy is not unionism.

Working to take sectarianism and racism out of sport, campaigning for women’s and LBGT rights, running ‘Marching to get Fit’ walks for bands, taking drama to cross-community venues, participating in Féile, making music with traditional musicians, organising foodbanks, supporting charities, writing books, learning Gaelic, exploring the culture and heritage they were not taught, running innovative Peace IV projects in the midst of the pandemic, engaging with ex-prisoners, renewing friendships that were interrupted by conflict, organising catch-up classes in literacy and mathematics, running businesses and schools, creating jobs and working in the public service, challenging patriarchy and misogyny, running playgroups; unionism in communities is making Northern Ireland work by doing all the things that we are told ‘Unionists don’t do.’

This is evidence of the disingenuous nature of the ‘basket-case’ mantra advanced by civic nationalists and others. Pro-Union advocates want to act as a catalyst for reconciliation and transformation, to make Northern Ireland work for all, regardless of what the future may bring in terms of constitutional change.  This is something, in a post-Brexit world, that will not lie solely in the control of civic nationalists, political nationalists and republican voters in Northern Ireland. For them to succeed, others have to fail. It is a zero-sum approach. Determined in their misplaced confidence and in the interests of their long-term aspirations to present Northern Ireland as ‘a failed statelet or micro-jurisdiction ‘, it cannot be in their interests to make Northern Ireland work so the only equality they can offer is access to the ruins they want to represent. The task will fall to those who designate as pro-Union, more enlightened nationalists or those neither unionist nor nationalist. Incremental change, the building of relationships and promising transition and growth taking place will be developed further.

The future will be blended not shared. Sharing is a bridge over a gulf of latent differences; a half-way house accommodating superficial integration. You might as well leave the scorpions to which John Darby referred to in his book Scorpions in a Bottle: Conflicting Cultures in Northern Ireland (1997) in the bottle. Pro-unionism wants to completely climb out of the bottle. Much as you might wish too and politicians try hard, you cannot build the future by focusing on the past. Pro-union and civic unionist groups are modelling what can be achieved; open-eyed to the difficulties they breathe and provide evidence of how people from all backgrounds make Northern Ireland work in workplaces, through creativity and a desire to sustain progress.

It is too easily forgotten and dismissed that prior to the outbreak of violence on the streets towns and rural areas were sites of community where people worked, socialised and lived within and across diverse neighbourhoods. There was a sense of common purpose, humanity and trust. It cannot be beyond the abilities of civic society to renew trust, confidence and the motivation to make Northern Ireland a home for all. Politicians may be failing this but civic society can make and is making better choices. It is providing answers that politics is yet to discover.